From Hegel to dialectical materialism and ideology - what is the future of capitalism?
I:
INTRODUCTION TO HEGEL’S DIALECTIC AND SUBLATION
There
is no way in which we can answer the questions of socialism or Marxism (how do
we define them, are they good or bad, etc.) without understanding the philosophy
upon which they were built upon: Hegel’s speculative idealism. German
idealist philosopher Hegel developed his philosophy upon two primary (related)
concepts: the dialectic and sublation. These are the two most
important concepts in his philosophy, and it is from this that Karl Marx and Friedrich
Engels developed their philosophy of “dialectical materialism”.
Hegelian
dialectics argue that the tension between two opposites gives rise to
new useful material. One way in which you can view the idea of the dialectic is
like the idea of tension in physics: an object is dragged in two opposite
directions by two forces until it “breaks” or “snaps”. Imagine an elastic cord
that I drag with both of my hands in two opposite directions: it will keep
stretching and stretching until one moment in which it will snap, and from a
circular elastic cord it will transform into a simple line. This is why Hegel
was skeptical of the “reductio ad absurdum” principle in logic and
mathematics, that if we have arrived at a contradiction or a paradox, then it
means that our premise was flawed and/or there was a flaw in our reasoning.
Hegel speculated that contradictions may very well be a good thing because
nature and the universe itself are composed of contradictions – and our job is
to take these contradictions “to the limit”.
What
I call this “snapping” of the tension inside a dialectic is what Hegel called aufhebung
in German, which is usually translated as sublation. It is a paradoxical
word that means both “to preserve” and “to cancel”. For example, the concept of
“tree” sublates the concept of “sapling”. A tree both contradicts or “cancels”
the idea of sapling and preserves it at the same time. On one hand, it contradicts
it because an object cannot be both a sapling and a tree at the same time. On
the other hand, it preserves it, because all trees started out as saplings. To “sublate”
something means to progress or further develop it along its
natural course. Hegel thought that his was the correct way to view philosophy –
that each new development in philosophy is a sublation of the previous
philosopher(s) that we are building upon: if Hegel contradicted or “disagreed
with” Kant’s philosophy, that doesn’t mean that what Kant did was useless, since
Hegel built upon his project, so Hegel both canceled and preserved Kant’s
philosophy at the same time.
One
easy-to-understand example of the sublation of a dialectic is the movement from
teenager to young adult. Other than the biological growth of a person, or the
legal transition that is fixed at 18 years old in most countries, there is also
a moment in the life of each person, nowadays usually somewhere between the
ages of 16 and 30, where psychologically or “symbolically” they mature into an
adult and are no longer a teenager. Hence, the idea of “adult” is the sublation
of the idea of “teenager” – it both cancels it and preserves it, it is the
natural development of one into another. Sublation is the “snap” or “pop” of
the inner tension inside the contradiction of the dialectic. The dialectic of
teenage-hood is the tension between having the responsibilities or expectations
of an adult while having the freedom or power of a child. The more a person
progresses in the state of a teenager, the more this tension gets bigger and
bigger: the expectations of acting like an adult get stronger and larger
without the power and freedom also getting bigger, and hence, the difference
between the two largens. At a certain point in life, this difference will get
so large that it will “snap in two”, just like an elastic cord dragged in two
opposite directions – and that will be the moment of the sublation, of a
metaphorical “revolution” in the life of the person, so to speak, when they
will engage in some radical act of independence (ex: moving out of their
parents’ house and going to college in another city).
The
moment of the sublation or “revolution” does not necessarily need to be violent,
but it is always a tension. It could take the form of an argument or
fight, or it could be peaceful. Take, for instance, the idea that a person
thrown into water will learn how to swim. There is a dialectic at play there:
the desire to stay alive and keep at the surface is in tension with the force
that is dragging you down into the water, threatening your life. When this
tension gets big enough – a third element is produced: the ability to swim. But
one can also view it in a more peaceful manner: the idea of a male orgasm is
the sublation of the dialectic between the upstrokes and the downstrokes of the
penis – this is not “violent” per se, but it is a tension that is released after its sublation.
II:
THE RETROACTIVE ILLUSION OF USELESSNESS
One
feature of the dialectic is that, after its sublation, it retroactively seems
useless. This is most evident in Zizek’s “paradox of seduction” – that a
seduction is successful when the seduced person later says “You had me at first
glance, you didn’t need to go through all that to win me over!”.
The
stages of development inside a relationship follow the same idea of dialectic
and sublation – each stage is the natural development of the next stage. You
cannot skip the steps, you must go through each step in order to get to the
next one, and yet whenever you get to the next one, it retroactively feels like
only if you knew some sort of detail from the very beginning, you wouldn’t have
needed to go through the previous one (which is not true). The paradox of
seduction is that, after its sublation, the two partners feel like “Only if we
knew from the very beginning that we were compatible, we wouldn’t need to go
through all of that bullshit!”, when in reality their personalities and way-of-being were changed and shaped by the very process of seduction itself, since our persona changes depending on the context in which we are in.
A
good example is this: I had a former classmate of mine that first wanted to
study medicine after high school. She studied for the admission exam, failed,
stayed one year at home and studied for one more year, failed again and then
realized that it was actually never a good idea to study medicine in the first
place, and that she actually wants to pursue psychology. After she got admitted
into the psychology degree, all the effort in studying medicine seemed
retroactively useless: “Only if I had known from the very beginning that
psychology is right for me, I wouldn’t have wasted two years studying all this
biology and chemistry that I will never use in my life!”. There is a catch
here: if she hadn’t studied for her medicine admission exams, she would have
never realized that she wants to pursue psychology in the first place. Hence,
the sublation of each dialectic is a “necessary failure”, a
self-defeating process that has a limited amount of “energy” that is consumed
until it “runs out” and gives rise to the next process.
The
idea is this: each stage in the development of a process has a certain amount
of “energy” or “fuel” until it “expires”, so to speak. The idea is to consume
it all until its inevitable failure – at that point, we will out of
necessity jump to the next stage in the process, through the very failure
of the current one. However, the journey is more important than the destination
in the way that the necessary failure acquires us the tools or skills to deal
with the next stage in the process. In this way, my colleague needed to study
medicine not in order to become a medic, but in order to acquire the skills and
tools in life in order to realize that she needed to study psychology. The
stage of seduction in a relationship prepares you for a relationship, the stage
of a relationship prepares you for marriage. In each stage of a romantic
relationship, the previous stages seem retroactively useless, but they are
there to be “consumed” until they “run out” and will inevitably lead to the
next stage after their inevitable failure. Each stage “works” until it doesn’t –
and when it stops working, we move onto the next thing. But it is only possible
to move onto the next thing if we have the tools, skills and knowledge acquired
by the inevitable failure of the previous thing. In this way, each stage of the
romantic relationship is designed to fail: the seduction is there not for you
to stay in it forever, but to prepare you for the next stage, the early
relationship is there not for you to stay in it forever, but to prepare you for
the stage in which you start living together in the same house (regardless of
whether you get legally married or not). Each stage is designed to fail, to “run
out”, to “expire” after a certain period, and to use all that pent up energy
that you “consumed” from the stage into the next stage of the process.
It’s
in this same way that we need to view the progression of society from one
economic system to another. Feudalism had certain contradictions that got
larger and larger until they “exploded” or “snapped” in the French revolution of
1789 – that was the sublation of feudalism into capitalism. After the French
revolution, humanity immediately saw that capitalism was better in every way
compared to feudalism, and we were given the retroactive illusion that
feudalism was useless: “Only if we knew five centuries before that this form
of organizing our society is so much better than what we were doing at the
time, we wouldn’t have needed to go through all of that crap and wasted so many
centuries in an inferior system!”. The problem is that without going
through feudalism:
1. We
wouldn’t have the necessary skills, tools, knowledge and resources to run
capitalism
2. We
wouldn’t even know what capitalism is
It’s in this same way
that we need to view the progression from capitalism into the next system (which
you could call “socialism”, I guess). After capitalism runs its course, we will
end up in a better way of organizing our society. At that point, capitalism
will retroactively seem useless “Only if we had known how to do this in the 19th
century, we wouldn’t waste so much time in capitalism, which is inferior in
every way!”. The problem is that without going through all the stages of
capitalism, we wouldn’t have the necessary skills, tools and resources to run
socialism in the first place. This is why you cannot “skip” any steps: in the
stages of a relationship, in the stages of development of a person (ex: child
-> adult), or in the stages of development of an economic system.
To have a socialist
planned economy requires us to solve the socialist calculation problem. Capitalism
is currently run by many contradictions, and almost everyone (other than the
hardcore libertarians and minarchists) agrees that the state’s intervention is necessary
to correct what most economists call “market failures” – even the right-wingers.
Extremely few people today advocate for a completely unregulated market, the
only exception being the Austrian school of economics led by Mises. Hence, there
is the need for the intervention of the state in correcting these market
failures: the possibility of the development of cartels, the network effect,
the development of monopolies and oligopolies, products and services with very
low elasticity of demand, and other factors that lead to a large gap between the
profit and the opportunity cost. The only school of economics that states that
the profit of a company is equal to the cost of opportunity is Mises’
libertarian school.
Socialism is the
theoretical possibility of having some sort of mechanism that automatically
plans out each detail of the economy, distributing resources accordingly,
without the need of the “invisible hand” of the market. Such a calculation
would correct for market failures. However, we cannot have socialism without a developed-enough
technology. If we will ever have socialism, it will be run by artificial
intelligence. An advanced enough AI algorithm will plan out our economy.
But, it is impossible to develop such an AI in the first place if we do not
first go through all the stages of capitalism, in order.
One of the best things
about capitalism is unlimited and accelerated economic growth, which leads to
quick and efficient technological advancement and research innovations. One of
the worst things about capitalism is also unlimited and accelerated economic
growth, which leads to working-place fatigue and the destruction of the planet
and the quick consumption of our planet’s limited resources. Capitalism is the
best system for quick research and innovation, and thus, the only system that
can lead us to the discovery and development of such an advanced system of artificial
intelligence and automation of most jobs. Hence, the only way to have the
necessary toolkit to run socialism is to first go through capitalism –
capitalism’s job is to prepare us for socialism and then inevitably fail, just
like feudalism’s job was to prepare us for capitalism and then inevitably fail.
The main crisis that will
lead us to the socialist revolution will be the climate crisis. We will consume
the resources of our planet so much until the unregulated “free” market model
of competition will become unsustainable. We will gradually need to apply more
and more regulations on businesses and individuals on the market until the
market will become so constrained and regulated that it wouldn’t make sense to call
it capitalism anymore. However, the only way to run the economy at that point
will be with the technology, knowledge, robots, computers and AI algorithms
that were developed in the previous stage, with the consumption of our
planet’s limited resources. Hence, the inherent paradox in the dialectic of
capitalism is that we must first destroy our planet in order to learn how to
live our lives efficiently without destroying the planet. This gives us the
retroactive illusion of uselessness, that we will only find out how to live our
lives with both advanced technology and some stable
climate-regulations only when it will seem “too late”.
Marx was a genius for his
time, but he did not get the details right. This makes sense since what Marx
was trying to do was a prognosis, and the further into the future you
try to predict something, the more your accuracy decreases. Just like my
prognosis for the weather tomorrow will be better than my prognosis for the
weather in one week, Marx got the general schema of dialectical materialism
right, as well as the idea that it will be technological progress that will
help us run socialism. However, when Marx wrote his theory, the phone was just
getting invented. Marx did not know what a computer is, what a mobile phone is,
what the internet is, and most especially, what artificial intelligence is. He
could not have known that artificial intelligence will be the tool that will slowly
automate most of our jobs (and in the future, politicians as well, according to
my prediction) because that didn’t exist in his time. Still, for a prediction
~150 years into the future, his accuracy was incredible regardless.
III:
AND WHAT IF YOU SKIP STEPS?
Popular wisdom, regardless of how stupid it may be at times,
teaches us that “if it ain’t broke, don’t fix it”. However, I argue,
that everything is a constant process of breaking, of becoming broken.
The phone I use right now is not broken, I can still use it, so there is
nothing to fix. But at one point in the future, it will break. Until then, it’s
in a constant process of breaking or decaying.
The next stage in the
development of a process is the result of the breaking or decaying
of the previous one. Everything works until it stops working, and after it
stops working, we will move onto the “next, better thing” out of necessity.
Until we move onto the next thing, we need to “consume” or “use” the current
thing until it breaks. The dialectic inside my mobile phone is a literal
tension inside its tiny components and circuits. Once the tension gets big
enough, those components will break and my phone will stop working. There is no
reason for me to buy a new phone yet, but I will be forced to buy a new one
when my current one will break.
In other words, each
stage in the development has a limited lifetime. You can only move to
the next stage until you have “finished” or “consumed” the entirety of the current
stage. The process of moving from one stage to another in the dialectic is the point
of sublation, as previously explained.
A relationship must go
through various stages, and the number of stages, their description and the
details vary with each relationship. The most common version (in capitalism) is unregulated
polygamy (“casual dating”) -> informally regulated monogamy (“committed relationship”)
-> legally regulated monogamy (“marriage”). The couple moves from “no
contract” to “informal contract” to “formal, legal contract”. However, they can
only move from one stage to the next when they have “consumed” the limited lifetime
of the current stage. The couple decides to define the terms and conditions of
their relationship (first, informally, without the intervention of the state or
the church) when there is a certain tension or “problem” that arrives in the
first stage. If the jealousy gets big enough, they may decide to become
monogamous for example, and “close” their relationship. However, one can only
progress to this second stage once the first stage somehow “breaks” or “stops
working”. If it’s not broken, you cannot fix it, and hence you must “consume
it" to its inevitable failure - you "close" or "define" your relationship whenever the model of an undefined/open relationship stops working. The progress from “boyfriend/girlfriend” to
“spouse” is the same – once the former stage “stops working”, the couple will
need to inevitably get married out of necessity, because the tension in the
contradictions in the former stage got big enough until it “broke” or “snapped”.
For example, the couple moves together in the same house, and now they need
legal protections from the state, and other contracts. The informal contract
stops being viable and out of necessity they will get legally married. If the
couple is religious, then a similar religious/spiritual tension or
contradiction may arise and they will get married in the church as well. Of
course, this is a general simplified schema of the most commonly-found
progression, but each relationship is different and may have different obstacles
and resolutions to those obstacles.
To skip the stages in a
relationship means to solve a problem that hasn’t been encountered yet. It is
unadvised – to get married after you have known each other for 3 months usually
means to rush through things. Such a “skip” leads to what in psychoanalysis we
call a repression of the dialectic in the previous stage. A couple is
married only “in theory”, but in practice it is not a properly married couple
and still acts like a young couple, but because they are “technically” married,
the “young” nature of their relationship gets repressed, “swept under the rug”
as we say in common language. This repression leads to a return of the repressed,
some sort of symptom that causes discomfort. For instance, after getting
married too early, they are forced to act like a mature couple while they are
still a young couple, and the return of the repressed (the psychoanalytic symptom)
is a series of conflicts, misunderstandings, etc.
The stages of life are
the same. You cannot send a 14-year-old teenager in another city to college and
to live on their own. This will lead to a repression of their status as
teenager and a return of the repressed. They will “force themselves” to act
like a young adult while still not officially being one. A symptom, the return
of the repressed will appear: mental illness, failed classes, bad grades, etc.
From this perspective, we
can better understand what Vladimir Lenin and the Bolsheviks tried to do a
century ago, for example. They skipped the steps. They tried to implement socialism
earlier than it was even possible to do so. Their regime was only socialist “in
theory”, because in practice, capitalism (private propriety, the free market,
etc.) was not abolished but banned. Hence it was “repressed” onto the
black market. And hence, the “socialist” regime of the USSR was just as much a capitalist regime where the capitalist, unregulated black market ran most oft he economy, and the planned economy was only a veil, a mask, to hide the fact that there was no true socialism in the first place. Socialism is the
abolishment of private propriety, so to call the USSR socialism is like calling
America a “drug-free” because they made drugs illegal, it does not make sense. You
can call it a “repressed capitalism”, and from a certain perspective, it was
even more capitalist and right-wing that today’s “mixed economies” because their
black market was way crazier and more unregulated than our current market.
Sure, most of our mixed economies today also have a black market, but way
smaller – the USSR had a black market for everything, because privately selling
anything was illegal: t-shirts, CDs, chewing gum, etc. There is no black market
for chewing gum in Sweden, and hence, the entire market of chewing gum is partially
regulated by the state (through taxation, etc.). The USSR’s market for chewing
gum was more “right-wing” or “libertarian” because it had little to no state intervention,
even if it was illegal. Just as much as the USSR was a communist dystopia, it was at the same time an anarcho-capitalist dystopia. To answer the question “what
was the economy of the Soviet Union?” does not make sense since it is a stupid
question in the first place, a better question would be a question about the economies
of the Soviet Union, two economies that were in a constant dialectical tension of
opposites.
The result of trying to
skip the steps of capitalism by Lenin and his boys was disastrous: a failed economy
and a totalitarian regime that was arguably even more murderous than Hitler’s
Nazi regime. The mistake is to assume that socialism is flawed by its nature
just because it always failed. What Lenin did was equivalent to sending a 14-year-old
to college, or to marrying someone after knowing them for a few months: this
does not make going to college or marriage inherently “bad” in any way.
Socialism is not flawed in theory and it is only flawed in practice in our
current time period. Similarly enough, if I were to be teleported into the 14th
century, I would acknowledge, in my mind, capitalism as a theoretically
superior system to feudalism while also knowing that it would be impossible to
implement at that time, and that any attempt at implementing to it would lead
to a disaster even bigger than early feudalism.
IV:
DETERMINISM AND THE ILLUSION OF FREE WILL UNDER CAPITALISM
Marx’s theory of
dialectical materialism that I am using here is inherently deterministic,
as you can see. It implies a limited amount of freedom in deciding the way we
run our country and our economy. We still do have some freedom, just
like a teenager has a limited freedom in deciding how much they mature for
their age, but they are also limited by the constrains of biology (their brain
and body are not fully developed yet) and by the constrains of their limited
life-experience. Humanity has limited freedom in deciding the way it organizes
itself just like the individual human has limited freedom in deciding the way it
organizes their own life, limited by the constrains of their unconscious.
Determinism is inherently
anti-ideological and ideology is precisely a symptom of capitalism, as Slavoj
Zizek most commonly argues. It is the illusion of free will, the idea, for
instance, that humans can just democratically decide to implement any policy
and any economical system they want if there is enough support. Hence, both right-wingers
and most self-proclaimed “socialists” are under the spell of ideology by their very
definition of what it means to “support” an economic system. Under the ideology
of capitalism, to support socialism means to support the idea that socialism is
not only good in theory, but that you will take immediate action into
implementing it if you were to be in office. Capitalism wants you to act on
your desires, not to repress them (see: Byun-Chul Han’s book “The Burnout
Society”). We do not live in a culture of repressing desires but in a culture of
a compulsion to enjoy – the individual now is forced to “be themselves” to “do
more of what makes them happy”. The system of oppression inside capitalism is a
subtle one of indirect manipulation and seduction – you are allowed to do
whatever you want while the system psychologically manipulates you into wanting
certain things. Intention is part of ideology, and hence the idea of “supporting”
capitalism or “supporting” socialism is distorted by ideology in order to imply
that you are also intending to take immediate action into implementing such a
system. Hence, if you tell a person that you support socialism, they will
assume that if you were in office, you will take steps in the next 4-years into
transitioning into a planned economy, as Lenin or Mao tried to do, for example.
Hence, the self-proclaimed socialists, from the Stalin and Mao apologists to
the “anarcho-communist” teenagers on Reddit are all followers of ideology by
virtue of the fact that they believe that it is even possible to implement
their systems in the first place.
Intentionality is a symptom of ideology, as intention, as most philosophers argue, is a desire with a plan of action. Hence, all intentions imply desires but not all desires imply intentions. If you intend to become president, it means you want (desire) to become president, but not the other way around - if I want to become president, it doesn't mean that I intend to become one, as long as I don't have a plan of action. Capitalism's ideology incentivizes us to turn desires into intentions since the system wants us to act on our desires ("do more of what makes you happy", "become who you want to be", "follow your dreams", etc.). The proper response, as Zizek notes, is "I would prefer not to". In the context where what I desire to obtain or to become is influenced by capital that runs targeted advertisement campaigns, what if I simply refuse to do what I want?
Acknowledging your lack
of power and freedom is the first step in combatting ideology. I am reminded
here of Zizek’s quote in “The Pervert’s Guide to Cinema” where he comments the
Matrix movie (paraphrasing): “The red pill wakes you up from the simulation,
the blue pill makes you continue living in the simulation, forgetting
everything that you learned about it. I want a third pill, I want to
continue living in the simulation while knowing that it is a simulation.”. It
is the same way that we need to treat ideology and capitalism, to not unnecessarily
accelerate to the next economic system, but to find ways to survive inside
capitalism, while also knowing that most of our problems are caused by it. The
stance is to take a paradoxical stance where we are both for and against
capitalism at the same time: against capitalism because in the future there
will be a better way to organize our economy and because capitalism is the
filter through which we view all of our problems, arguably even causing most of
them (mental health, dating & relationships, sexuality & consent, even
the idea of “illness” is a capitalist construct as the line between healthy and
ill is determined by whether you are capable of working or not). For capitalism,
because to intentionally cause its end causes more problems that it solves (as
we see from the numerous failed attempts at implementing socialism), and because
it is a superior system to all the previous ones (feudalism, slave economy,
bronze economy, neolithic economy and hunter-gatherer economy). Each system has
a “limited lifetime”, not in chronological time necessarily (years and months)
but in logical time (the “steps” you have to go through), and so does
capitalism have a limited “battery”, and we must continue living in capitalism
until its battery runs to 0% and the necessity of socialism will accumulate to
100%.
On one hand,
right-wingers are right when they say that implementing socialism will cause
more problems that it will solve and that socialism is an utopian ideal that
does not work in practice, and that there is no better alternative to
capitalism right now. On the other hand, right-wingers are wrong to assume that
this is related to something inherent in capitalism or in socialism as such,
abstracted away from the dimension of time. In fact, these statements of
right-wingers are only true in the temporal context of our current society, but
they are wrong to assume that it was always like that and that it will always be
like that.
On one hand, socialists
are right when they say that socialism is a better system of organizing our
society and our economy than capitalism. On the other hand, socialists are
wrong when they imply that it is even possible to do such a thing at the
moment.
On one hand, “centre-left”
social democrats are right when they say that capitalism must not be abolished
right now, but reformed through a strong welfare state. On the other hand, the reasons for why they want to do
that are not correct: they are wrong in assuming that this is because a “mixed
economy” is the best method of organizing our society in general. A
mixed economy is the only way of organizing our society right now.
On one hand, “democratic
socialists” are right when they say that democracy is the best system of
political decisions to progress towards socialism. On the other hand,
democratic socialists are wrong that the transition towards socialism will necessarily
be a gradual shift that will be decided by a peaceful set of democratic
elections. It may be peaceful or it may be a violent revolution, or a mix of
both, who knows.
Anarchists are not right about anything. The sole purpose of their existence is to have someone to make fun of. Anarcho-communism and anarcho-capitalism do not make sense as the existence of both capitalism and socialism rely on the state. The state was invented with the invention of writing in the third economic system: the bronze economy. There were only two forms of "anarchism" in history: the hunter-gatherer economy and the neolithic economy. These two stateless or "anarchist" form of social-organization comprised around 90% of human history.
It merits discussing exactly what Marx said the precondition for socialism actually was. From The German Ideology, written in 1845 but unpublished and undiscovered until the Soviets found it in 1932 (and as such unavailable to Lenin and the Bolsheviks):
ReplyDeletehttps://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/german-ideology/ch01a.htm
"This “alienation” (to use a term which will be comprehensible to the philosophers) can, of course, only be abolished given two practical premises. For it to become an “intolerable” power, i.e. a power against which men make a revolution, it must necessarily have rendered the great mass of humanity “propertyless,” and produced, at the same time, the contradiction of an existing world of wealth and culture, both of which conditions presuppose a great increase in productive power, a high degree of its development. And, on the other hand, this development of productive forces (which itself implies the actual empirical existence of men in their world-historical, instead of local, being) is an absolutely necessary practical premise because without it want is merely made general, and with destitution the struggle for necessities and all the old filthy business would necessarily be reproduced; and furthermore, because only with this universal development of productive forces is a universal intercourse between men established, which produces in all nations simultaneously the phenomenon of the “propertyless” mass (universal competition), makes each nation dependent on the revolutions of the others, and finally has put world-historical, empirically universal individuals in place of local ones. Without this, (1) communism could only exist as a local event; (2) the forces of intercourse themselves could not have developed as universal, hence intolerable powers: they would have remained home-bred conditions surrounded by superstition; and (3) each extension of intercourse would abolish local communism. Empirically, communism is only possible as the act of the dominant peoples “all at once” and simultaneously, which presupposes the universal development of productive forces and the world intercourse bound up with communism. Moreover, the mass of propertyless workers – the utterly precarious position of labour – power on a mass scale cut off from capital or from even a limited satisfaction and, therefore, no longer merely temporarily deprived of work itself as a secure source of life – presupposes the world market through competition. The proletariat can thus only exist world-historically, just as communism, its activity, can only have a “world-historical” existence. World-historical existence of individuals means existence of individuals which is directly linked up with world history."
The relevant portion is "For it to become an “intolerable” power, i.e. a power against which men make a revolution, it must necessarily have rendered the great mass of humanity “propertyless,”, and " only with this universal development of productive forces is a universal intercourse between men established, which produces in all nations simultaneously the phenomenon of the “propertyless” mass". This ties into the following statement from the Communist Manifesto:
Deletehttps://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/ch02.htm
"You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property. But in your existing society, private property is already done away with for nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the few is solely due to its non-existence in the hands of those nine-tenths. You reproach us, therefore, with intending to do away with a form of property, the necessary condition for whose existence is the non-existence of any property for the immense majority of society."
The abolition of property or the ability to acquire property for the working class must occur under capitalism to pave the way for socialism. This wasn't what was happening in the Russia of 1917 or the China of 1949 or the Cuba of 1949, where capitalism still had vast room to grow and maneuver.
But doesn't it call to mind the slogan of the World Economic Forum and its desored transition to rentier capitalism? "You will own nothing, you will be happy"?